George Will and Today’s Conservatism

George Will wrote that “Conservatism has always been defined by its insistence on limits to the claims the collectivity — the public sector — could make on the individual,” in a recent article I read in the Washington Post. This seems to be a reasonable definition, although it also seems to overlap with Libertarianism. Essentially, these claims from society can be about money or morality.

One could define liberalism as the opposite, asking more from the individual for the collectivity. Having the two sides push and pull on the dividing line with reasonable, rational debate could be considered healthy for the country.

But today’s conservatism has pushed this line so far to the right that it sometimes feels like, “I’ve got mine; screw you.” This attitude is especially obvious on moral issues, which is surprising because many liberal moral issues can be boiled down to “leave the individual alone.” If a person is Black, stop the racism. If a person is a woman, stop the misogyny. If a person is LGBTQ+, then, again, just let them be. Just treat everyone with the same respect you’d give to people in your own group. To paraphrase Benjamin Franklin, it would neither pick your pocket nor break your leg to do so.

What’s frustrating is the constant resistance to these ideas, often framed as “shoving it down our throats.” There seems to be zero flexibility on these stances, despite liberals seeing them as extremely reasonable asks. You often hear “reasonable people can disagree,” but it’s disingenuous when used to justify oppression or discrimination. Sure, reasonable people can disagree about pizza toppings, but not about fundamental rights and equality.

In the end, by pushing conservatism to such extremes, modern conservatives risk losing the basic principles of respect and collective responsibility that can make society better for everyone. This inflexibility and refusal to engage with what many see as basic human rights not only harm society but also betray the core conservative ideas of individual liberty and limited government. By holding onto these extreme positions, conservatives undermine their own philosophical foundations and the potential for a balanced and fair society.

An alternative path could be for classic conservatives to disown the “Trump” conservatives and reclaim their party, perhaps even renaming it. However, given that the MAGA movement has firmly taken over the leadership of the Republican party, this seems unlikely. The influence of Trumpism has deeply embedded itself within the party, leaving little hope for a return to traditional conservative values. Without a significant shift, the polarization and extremism are likely to continue, further eroding the foundations of what conservatism once stood for.

On the Results of My Race

TL;DR – The outcome was pretty much what I expected.

California Assembly District 71 is a really conservative area. In fact, in the 2022 election, there wasn’t even a Democratic candidate—it was just three Republicans fighting it out. This year, it looked like there wouldn’t be a Democratic candidate again until the California Democratic Party (CADEM) decided they didn’t want to leave any race uncontested. So, at the last minute, they asked me to run, and I agreed.

Before saying yes, I crunched some numbers, looking at the voter registrations from November 2023 for both Orange and Riverside counties in my district. Only about 30% of the voters are Democrats, and this percentage holds steady whether you look at it by county or overall. Even if I got all the votes from the liberal parties (Democrats, Greens, Peace and Freedom) and my opponent got all the conservative votes (Republicans, American Independent, Libertarians), I would still need to win 85% of the no party preference (NPP) voters to come out on top. That’s a long shot, especially considering the challenge of running a campaign split by mountain ranges. Knowing this, I decided not to connect donations. Instead, I pointed potential donors to other, more viable candidates.

CADEM knew the odds and accepted the likely outcome. But running had its perks: it would show us for the first time how many people in this district would vote for a Democrat, even an almost no-name like me, and if my opponent couldn’t take office for some reason, I’d step in as the second-place finisher.

After the primary election, I ended up with 34.3% of the vote, and the Peace and Freedom candidate got 2.6%. From this, I guessed my final percentage would be between 35% and 40%. The day after the election, I had 38.1%, so my estimate was pretty spot-on. And this was with almost no campaigning—just three social media videos in October. This result is similar to my 2014 run for the 36th State Senate District (for the same purpose), where I got 34.3%.

Will I run again in two years? Probably not. There doesn’t seem to be a strong desire from the voters for a Democrat in this seat. My job here is done.

Addendum:
You might have been puzzled by “it would show us for the first time .” Every 10 years, the US does a census, and then California’s legislative districts are redrawn by an independent commission called the California Citizens Redistricting Commission. The new districts take effect two years later. This redistricting often creates oddly shaped districts, and this time, it split AD71 into two counties divided by mountains.